The deceased US VP Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was seen as among the most powerful occupants of that office in US history. While numerous second-in-commands had to settle for minor or symbolic positions, Cheney held huge influence during the presidency of George W Bush, to the point that he was commonly called as the "real president".
Bush objected to this portrayal and claimed the dynamic was more nuanced. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, consistently calling him in official appearances as President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush questioned even characterisations of their association as a partnership because it indicated that they were equals. Regardless of these objections, Cheney found the easygoing president accommodating on a wide array of governmental choices.
The Post-9/11 Era
In charge of a group of neo-cons that featured defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been taking part in a meeting at a elementary school in Florida. While Bush headed for a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, ordering the destruction of any unresponsive aircraft approaching the US Capitol.
Cheney said the attacks transformed him, making him become determined on retaliation. In conjunction with other neo-conservatives, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a invasion of Afghanistan in an endeavor to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the military action of Iraq, even though there was little proof of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Disputed Actions
He voiced no apologies about the armed intervention, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, and not about the enhanced interrogation of individuals rounded up after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was founded on faulty intelligence repeated by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It proved to be the right thing to do at that time. I had faith back then and I believe it now."
But during that period, there were contrary opinions at a high level about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the administration's own representatives to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the post. "I saw, as a baseline," he wrote later "obvious failure, carelessness, and recklessness: in the worst case, lying, ineptitude, and graft."
Broader Context
Cheney was not completely responsible for the Iraq military action. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for comparable steps. He had composed a memorandum detailing scenarios in which US concerns might be compromised (featuring "access to essential resources, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "America should be positioned to act independently when collective action prove impossible," particularly mentioning defense operations against Iraq.
Bush also had arrived in the presidency generally inclined on executing what his parent had notably declined to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Subsequent to he had been fired by the White House, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his plan of reducing America's engagement in the regional tensions and mooted military action against Iraq.
Bush bore a individual resentment against Saddam, convinced he had been involved in a scheme to kill his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore objected to that one of the largest hotels in Baghdad had a ground design with a portrait of his father's face that everyone had to tread upon.
Investigation Approaches
Yet it was Cheney who was one of the most vociferous supporting striking Iraq, frequently citing information documents that were either insubstantial or completely deceptive. He backed what the Bush administration euphemistically referred to as "advanced techniques", the use of simulated drowning and physical pressure.
Responding to a Senate analysis in 2014 that concluded that no actionable intelligence had resulted from the harsh techniques, Cheney rejected the conclusions as "riddled with crap". He informed Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to establish protocols and establish initiatives to apprehend the perpetrators who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it would not recur. That is precisely what they did and they deserve a lot of praise."
Public Image
Cheney enjoyed monikers assigned to him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and The Prince of Darkness, and by the idea that he was a shadow power controlling Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Am I the sinister strategist in the background that nobody ever sees emerge from his domain? That is a effective way to operate, actually."
Commercial Ties
Debate over his commercial relationships followed him during his tenure as VP. While he had little experience in business but strong connections in military, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's largest oil and gas conglomerates, in 1995 as chair and chief executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's VP candidate for the presidency. Contentiously, during the military campaign, Halliburton was given US agreements valued at multiple billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His yearly earnings during his period at the company increased from his $258,394 when he was military head to millions. When he departed in 2000 he had a package valued at over $20m|twenty
